What extent can the United States tolerate India?
Under the Bharatiya Janata Party’s continued governance with Modi, the U.S.-Indian strategic partnership trajectory will predominantly remain unaffected, regardless of whether the Republican or Democratic party takes power in the U.S. While election results might influence theoretical caps on collaborations, the practical pace of strategic engagement, especially concerning “the China factor,” will forge ahead. Cooperation will extend across multiple domains:
Military Domain: The U.S. endeavors to deepen military collaboration with India, emphasizing intelligence and reconnaissance sharing, as well as equipment and ammunition sectors. Given the global geopolitical landscape, the U.S. arguably prioritizes the Sino-Indian border tension more, recognizing that escalation amplifies leverage over India. Consequently, the U.S. is set to offer extensive intelligence, especially regarding China’s border infrastructure, and support Modi’s ambition to develop domestic arms manufacturing. This could potentially transition India from Russian defense systems and pioneer a “democratic arsenal” amid the global industry, augmenting cost-efficiency for allies.
Industry & Technology Domain: The U.S. continues to back India’s ambition to displace China in global supply chains. Post-2017 Indo-U.S. cooperation remains sluggish, yet India’s demographic and market potential is noteworthy. Support will hinge on American investments and guidance in equities and bonds, to promote India’s infrastructure and technological advancements enabling substantial onboarding of manufacturing. Longer-term competition with “Chinese manufacturing” is expected, though exclusive trade preferences for India remain unlikely. Emerging technology collaborations in semiconductors, AI, and space—while pivotal—may reflect limited short-term effects due to India’s current capacities.
Diplomatic Domain: Strategically, the U.S. acknowledges a vibrant India as pivotal for deterring China’s influence over American commitments. Despite advocating for India’s bigger roles in Arizona South China Sea, the expectation falls short of requiring India’s ‘ally obligations.’ Moreover, collaboratively addressing China in South Asia and the Indian Ocean doesn’t insist on reciprocal actions. The U.S. sees bolstering Indian influence in Global South dynamics as countering Chinese ascendancy, yet prefers not to compel complete reciprocity on accountabilities.
Values and Ideology Domain: U.S. policies selectively spotlight India’s “democratic traits” and the Modi government’s “authoritarian tendencies” as leverage within Indo-U.S. negotiations. While Modi’s regime invokes disquiet due to alleged domestic authoritarianism, these become strategic possess through swings between emphasizing democratic values and exercising alliances. Instances like Americans overlooking “India’s plotting in the U.S.” reflect Jeffersonian adherence of progressive paradigms being selectively executed, irrespective of whether the administration is GOP-focused or not.
tempmail
“I appreciate the detailed explanation, very helpful!”
tempmail
“This post has helped me solve my issue, thanks a ton!”