Guancha.cn: This parade showcased a large number of domestically made, currently active main battle systems, many of them debuting for the first time. Which impressed you most? What key messages do you think this parade sent to the international community about China’s military modernization and defensive national defense policy?
Victor Gao: The global spotlight of this parade was undoubtedly on the missile systems. The missiles on display included both conventional tactical and strategic weapons, with many models being publicly revealed for the first time. The open display of these most advanced missiles carries deep significance:
First, it serves as an effective deterrent to forces with ill intentions toward China. Our missile range covers every angle, from short-range missiles of several hundred kilometers, to medium- and long-range missiles of several thousand kilometers, and even intercontinental missiles, giving us global strike capability.
Second, these missiles not only boast long range, high speed, and varied trajectories, but more critically, they are equipped with MIRV (multiple independently targetable reentry vehicle) capability—one missile can release several, even dozens of warheads, each striking a different target. Whether equipped with conventional or non-conventional warheads, such systems are extremely difficult for current defenses to intercept. What’s more, they include diverse launch platforms and target types—land-to-land, land-to-ship, submarine-launched—together forming a complete and coordinated “war network.”
The nature of future warfare is no longer about tanks, artillery, or drones parading individually in Tiananmen Square. It emphasizes a highly integrated “five-in-one” system—linking space, air, land forces, naval surface ships, and submarines—into one seamless network. On top of this, electronic warfare, counter-electronic warfare, and extensive AI integration are embedded. Modern weaponry has evolved into data-driven combat nodes, no longer single-use weapons operating in isolation.
What struck me most is that every piece of equipment we saw today is a truly world-class weapon, carrying distinct Chinese characteristics. More importantly, all Chinese weaponry, both conventional and non-conventional, has been fully domestically developed. This stands in sharp contrast to many countries still reliant on foreign technology or foreign advisors. China’s defense equipment is 100% researched, designed, and manufactured in China—that is the most fundamental point.
This parade reached an exceptionally high standard in its display, but there’s one thing hard to show directly: in actual combat, how quickly and seamlessly all these systems integrate into one unified operational network. The key lies in data—not just real-time battlefield data, but also preloaded information, including years of accumulated analysis on terrain, hydrology, seabed structure, and more.
In real combat, the system merges this existing database with live intelligence to run massive, high-speed dynamic analyses tailored to the specific campaign, battle, or tactical needs. Only by fusing prepared data with real-time input can decisions be made instantly. We must see further, calculate faster, aim more precisely, and judge more comprehensively than the enemy.
Whether it’s the Air Force, Army, Navy, Rocket Force, Marine Corps, Army Aviation, or the newly restructured Space Command, every service, every piece of equipment, every soldier and commander must not only master their own function but also integrate into the overall system, forming a coordinated network.
For outsiders, a parade is about spectacle. But insiders can see that China has already taken the global lead in military electronic information systems and AI-enabled warfare. What we have achieved is cross-domain coordination and intelligent operations that many nations still find out of reach.
This display will inevitably draw global attention. For example, the U.S.—what will it think? I hope it draws this conclusion: China is increasingly a power that cannot be underestimated. Stop imagining that bullying or threatening China with force will succeed. The U.S. should recognize China’s strength in military hardware, software, informationization, digitization, and AI.
I hope the U.S. can take a realistic view of China: recognize where China is strong, where the U.S. lags behind, and where both are on par. I hope the U.S. stops clamoring for war with China, because whether in conventional or non-conventional conflict, first, America cannot win; second, it cannot profit at China’s expense; and third, if the U.S. dares to launch nuclear war, it will mean mutual destruction—America gains nothing.
As for Japan, not only did it refuse to attend the commemoration, it even urged other countries not to attend—an action both pathetic and shameful. But of course, Japan will be watching, analyzing our weapons, hardware, and software.
I hope Japan draws this conclusion: In 1931, when Japan invaded China, China was poor and weak, yet united and still capable of defeating the invaders. Today, China is far ahead of Japan in every aspect. So Japan should abandon any illusions. The remnants of fascist militarism have no future in Japan, nor in the world. The only way forward is peaceful coexistence with China, never attempts at force.
As for Russia, President Putin came with three deputy prime ministers and over a dozen ministers, participating in events in Beijing and Tianjin. They will surely analyze the parade. I think Russia will largely conclude that China has taken the lead in electronic warfare, AI, robotics, drones, unmanned systems, and more.
Russia has strengths in weaponry, but its peak development was during the Cold War. Since 1991, it hasn’t invested heavily in conventional arms nor made major breakthroughs. Russia may think it doesn’t need to, since it maintains world-leading nuclear capabilities and the largest warhead stockpile. That gives it its own defense logic. But the Ukraine crisis has shown the importance of conventional weapons.
China’s achievements in drones, robotics, digitalized operations, and integration of AI with space, land, sea, air, submarine, and cyber forces happen to be Russia’s weaker areas. I believe after witnessing this parade, Russia will be more willing to deepen exchanges and cooperation with China.
For developing countries, seeing China’s growing strength in science, arms, hardware, software, and technology will bring reassurance. They increasingly view China as a guardian of peace and stability.
India’s Prime Minister Modi attended the SCO summit but skipped China’s Victory Day Parade. That’s a pity, but not too significant. Still, India surely watched and analyzed closely.
The major difference between China and India in defense is this: our equipment is 100% domestic, while India’s arsenal is an “import expo.” It is extremely difficult for India to integrate systems from Russia, the U.S., France, and others, let alone ensure they outperform rivals. This is a major weakness for India in defense manufacturing and deployment—one they cannot fix in 5 or 10 years, perhaps not even in 20 or 30.
So, after seeing our parade, India might sigh and realize: disputes with China should be handled through dialogue and diplomacy, never force.
One more point: the parade also featured Air Force equipment. Although from the ground the view wasn’t crystal clear, the sheer impact was undeniable. The development speed, production capacity, and technical level of China’s Air Force are already on par with the U.S.—at least equal, and in some areas world-leading.
Thus, experts worldwide are now studying the parade, analyzing what they saw, and will soon produce professional reports.
Guancha.cn: You also mentioned Russia and North Korea. With President Putin, Chairman Kim Jong Un, and other foreign leaders attending, their joint presence in Beijing has drawn wide attention. What key signals does this send?
Victor Gao: Today, China and Russia are important neighbors. Friendly relations are not only a great asset for both peoples but also make an indispensable contribution to peace and stability across Eurasia and the world.
The most distinctive feature of Sino-Russian diplomacy is summit-level engagement. President Xi Jinping and President Putin devote enormous energy to advancing this friendship. This has led to frequent exchanges at all levels. When issues arise, both sides communicate and consult promptly. This has become a hallmark of the relationship.
Against this backdrop, inviting President Putin as a guest of honor for the parade is not surprising. The close ties between China and Russia, openly displayed for the world to see, are clearly positive.
As for North Korea, Chairman Kim Jong Un’s visit to China was accorded very high-level treatment, carrying significant meaning.
First, China and North Korea are neighbors with long-standing ties, a relationship of interdependence. Second, the Korean Peninsula also suffered under Japanese militarist colonialism; the Korean people fought bravely, making major contributions to victory in the anti-Japanese war and World War II in East Asia.
Third, the peninsula’s relationship with China has been close yet complex. In 1950, China entered the Korean War; after the armistice and the 1958 troop withdrawal, relations saw ups and downs. But today, I believe North Korea recognizes that China is its most reliable partner.
Editor: Zhiyu Wang
